Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s ruthless military ruler, betrayed no sign of illness at his last public appearance, just hours before he died. Swaggering alongside the departing Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja and dressed in a glittering purple caftan, he was strikingly ebullient and confident in his gait.
A few hours later, he was back at the airport, this time a dead man, wrapped in a white bedsheet, tied at the head and feet, inside an open traditional basketlike casket. Shocked relations and State House officials who carried his body to the airport hurriedly thrust the corpse into the luggage compartment of the aircraft. Then, on second thoughts, they brought it out into the main cabin, with the body rolling uncontrollably in the open casket and almost falling off the gangway.
There were no formalities, no ceremonies, no red carpet, no salutes. Even the traditional 21-gun salute and military parade that are part of the funeral rites of a national leader were absent, as the presidential jet shot into the gloomy evening skies, bound for his home town of Kano. It was the same aircraft on which Abacha was supposed to fly the next day to Burkina Faso, for the Organisation of Africa Unity (OAU) Heads of State summit, where he would have received pats on the back for doing a great job of restoring peace and democracy to Liberia and Sierra Leone. Now he was heading in a very unwanted direction: the grave.
His sudden death was attributed to cardiac arrest, more commonly known as heart attack. He was known to have suffered from cirrhosis of the liver for at least 11 years. This was further complicated by kidney impairments. But he was receiving good medical attention from some of the best doctors in the world, who flew into Nigeria from Israel or Saudi Arabia. His doctors were said to have agreed at one stage that he needed to spend at least a month in a specialist hospital overseas but he rejected the idea, fearing that subordinates would exploit his absence to push him out of power.
Journalists who broke the news of his declining health were arrested and detained. He later admitted publicly that he was recovering from sickness. In the past six months he seemed to be enjoying good health, even putting on some weight in the process. But the extra weight, AfricaToday learnt after his death, was actually caused by steroids in the medication given him.
Even though his poor health was public knowledge, Nigerians were still not sure whether their ruthless strongman died a natural death. Some newspapers even reported he was poisoned, while other media outlets indicated the dreaded general was in the amorous company of a beautiful foreigner.
AfricaToday could not confirm that but investigations reveal that the general suffered a heart attack in one of his guest houses in Aso Rock, Abuja, where he had gone to perhaps, “to relax a bit”. He was said to have gone to the guest house unaccompanied by tight security after he returned from bidding Arafat farewell. General Jeremiah Useni, the minister for the Federal Capital Territory and his close friend, was said to be with him at the guest house that night and would have been one of the last to see him alive. One of those present noticed the big man suddenly gasping for breathing and foaming in his mouth. The guest raised the alarm and contacted senior security aides at Aso Rock. Doctors summoned to revive the reclusive ruler, who ruled Nigeria with iron fist, battled for more than two hours before they gave up hope. At least two people, including the “guest”, we’re helping security personnel, as AfricaToday went to press, to put together a clearer picture of the last few minutes of Abacha’s life.
The news of Abacha’s death shocked the world and evoked sympathy from many African leaders, who had known and respected him for his fierce Pan-African policies. In Nigeria, however, the death of their strongman sent millions of people into wild jubilation. His five-year reign was considered too cruel and repressive and his quest to transform himself into a civilian president had brought the country to the nadir of war. Said a radio talk show host on the air: “This man took over power in crisis, ruled in crisis and died in crisis. What an era.”
In most parts of the oil-rich but poverty-ridden country, the celebration took the form of a carnival staged before television cameras and reminiscent of post-coup jubilation in Africa during the 70s and 80s. In Kwara state, in the north, students and taxi drivers defied heavy downpours and took to the streets with a mock coffin, singing anti-Abacha songs. They seized the condolence registers opened by the government and tore them into pieces. In Katsina, the home town of Shehu Yar’Adua, the former deputy head of state who died in prison six months ago, the sentiments were similar. Groups of youths gathered at Yar’Adua’s residence to pray and celebrate.
Abacha’s death “is a blessing. It is God’s answer to the national prayer for peace and stability recently organised by the federal government. It is the divine way by which the Almighty wants to intervene in the ongoing political crisis… to avert bloodshed, anarchy and the possible break-up of the country”, Alhaji Yagub Isha Bataganawa said.
The Guardian, a liberal Nigerian newspaper reported that many residents of Uyo, Akwa Ibom state, and Owerri, Imo state, trooped to the beer parlours to make merry on hearing Abacha’s death confirmed. Students destroyed billboards and posters displayed by groups that supported Abacha’s presidential bid. Said a former governor of Anambra state, Dr ChukwuemekaEzeife: “Abacha’s legacy is a bumper harvest of lessons for all of us that are alive. He performed his demolition job with ruthless efficiency. Today we stand at the brink of disaster. But dry bones shall rise again.”
The jubilation became so embarrassing that former head of state General Yakubu Gowon and religious leaders were forced to publicly condemn and discourage it. Said the usually outspoken Anglican Bishop of Akure, Reverend Emmanuel Bolanle Gbonigi: “This sense of jubilation at someone’s death is sad. It should not be so.” But one member of his church countered by saying “when God drowned Pharaoh in the Red Sea, Moses and the children of Israel rejoiced with songs”.
Some of those who knew Abacha defended his record, despite the imprisonment and killings of opposition leaders and activists that took place during his five years in office. “I do not think many people understood him well. You needed to get closer to him. He loved this country and the entirety of its people. He was a good man,” Abacha’s special adviser Wada Nas told the BBC. A senior military officer who spoke to AfricaToday said “though Abacha’s style and approach to governance gave soldiers and the military a bad name, he exhibited great courage and admirable firmness that endeared him to some of us. Except for his vulnerability to sycophants who eventually destroyed him and dragged him into this unfortunate issue of self-succession, he was an authentic Nigerian hero.”
Abdulsalam Abubakar, a general and now the new head of state, together with the other Provisional a Ruling Council, PRC, members woke on June 8, to discover that their good friend and the tough boss had died suddenly, without naming a successor. His number two man, General Oladipo Diya, is on death row, accused by Abacha and summarily convicted of plotting to overthrow Abacha.
When the PRC hurriedly met that afternoon, members pretended to be more concerned with grief and the burial rather than deciding who succeeds Abacha. AfricaToday’s sources say it was the Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Coomasie, who introduced the question of appointing a new head of state to fill the vacuum Abacha had left. “He was better placed to introduce the subject others were skating because he is the law and order man and he was not in contention for the post,” says our source.
Once the issue was tabled, tension instantly replaced grief. Below Abacha were three lieutenant-generals: Useni, the convicted Diya and Mohammed Haladu, the former industry minister. Diya was clearly out of the question and Haladu has been in hospital abroad for some months. This left the PRC with Useni, the most senior general on the PRC. He was a classmate of Abacha in command and staff college and had remained a close friend till the end. Naturally, some eyes turned to him.
At that point the PRC adjourned for the burial, to reconvene at 11 o’clock that night. Rear Admiral Mike Akhigbe, chief of naval staff, nominated Abubakar, the chief of defence staff. Akhigbe was quickly supported by Air Vice Marshall Nsikak Eduok, the chief of air staff. Our source says only one officer agreed reluctantly. Useni was later given the chance to speak and the PRC agreed that Abubakar be promoted to full general. “Politically, Abubakar was the number three man behind Diya. Useni is a minister and politically comes far behind the service chiefs, although a lieutenant-general. Apart from that, Abubakar inspires confidence because he is strictly a professional soldier with no known links to politicians,” says our source.
Abubakar does not come across as a power-hungry man. He is known to be a credible and resolute officer who takes genuine interest in the integrity of the military as well as broader issues like stability, justice and fair play, which have eluded Nigeria for years. But does the Nigerian military have the conscience and the will to move the country forward after 30 difficult years in power? The next few months will tell. As Abacha himself said in an address to media executives in 1994: “The past becomes an albatross only if we fail to learn from it and heed its lessons. It is now time to seek a sober understanding of what went wrong.” sources say it was the Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Coomasie, who introduced the question of appointing a new head of state to fill the vacuum Abacha had left. “He was better placed to introduce the subject others were skating because he is the law and order man and he was not in contention for the post,” says our source.
Once the issue was tabled, tension quickly replaced grief. Below Abacha were three lieutenant-generals: Useni, the convicted Diya and Mohammed Haladu, the former industry minister. Diya was clearly out of the question and Haladu has been in hospital abroad for some months. This left Useni, the most senior general on the PRC. He was a classmate of Abacha in command and staff college and had remained a close friend. Naturally, some eyes turned to him.
At that point the PRC adjourned for the burial, to reconvene at 11 o’clock that night. Rear Admiral Mike Akhigbe, chief of naval staff, nominated Abubakar, the chief of defence staff. Akhigbe was quickly supported by Air Vice Marshall NsikakEduok, the chief of air staff. Our source says only one officer agreed reluctantly. Useni was later given the chance to speak and the PRC agreed that Abubakar is promoted to full general. “Politically, Abubakar was the number three man behind Diya. Useni is a minister and politically comes far behind the service chiefs, although a lieutenant-general. Apart from that, Abubakarinspires confidence because he is strictly a professional soldier with no known links to politicians,” says our source.
Abubakar does not come across as a power-hungry man. He is known to be a credible and resolute officer who takes a genuine interest in the integrity of the military as well as broader issues like stability, justice and fair play, which have eluded Nigeria for years. But does the Nigerian military have the conscience and the will to move the country forward after 30 difficult years in power?
The next few months will tell. As Abacha himself said in an address to media executives in 1994: “The past becomes an albatross only if we fail to learn from it and heed its lessons. It is now time to seek a sober understanding of what went wrong.”